For the past five years, I've been interested in how the liberals diligently work and strive to get their candidates elected. After many discussions, arguments, debates and fights, It seems your best chance to takeover your political party is starting at the precinct level. This is such a low level position that often, is left unfilled. This position is extremely important, voting for party executives who endorse candidates, party funds allocation and platform approvals. This is the most basic of politics. Today, there are many organizations that can assist in getting a interested persons involved in local politics. I will list the steps to take if you are interested. The Tea Party organizations are organizing precinct level candidates across our country. There are thousands of precincts within the
How to take over the Local party Precinct
1 See the examples and explanations of how it works to become the precinct captain. The exact details will differ for your individual state so you be elected as the precinct captain to do the footwork of delivering democracy.
~ Learn the process for passing platform plank propositions at your precinct in presidential election years.
~ Take over your local party and begin to influence all the political processes, if you would want to do that. It's up to you to help take over your party at your local precinct -- and then go to the county convention, then get elected to the state and nationai party conventions to regulate the future of your own version of politics!
2 Use the most important power of the elected Precinct "captain" which is be the delegate to the county level. If the precinct captains at the county meeting then agree to elect you or your kind of leader as the county party chairman for your local party committee -- then that local Party Chairman and his team may endorse and help elect the candidates to go to Congress, who can in turn do what you want and/or you may be able to undo what has been done before.
3 Realize that your party is a grassroots based organization such that as the local precinct party captain, you can then join with others to move on to take over a very important part in county, state and national political party. If you are elected locally as precinct caption, and as delegate, and you may (as people commonly do):
Help decide party platform issues locally and on up the line;
Vote on platform propositions;
Help set party rules and elect all levels of party officials.
Rise all the way to the national conventions;
Some States Use a Precinct Meeting for Each Party to Elect the Official
1 Attend a meeting (called a Caucus) for electing the "precinct executive." On the appointed night, everyone interested in your precinct goes to an appointed address for their party, which may be at a home, school, or recreation center, etc.
2 Or, in some states, wait outside the polling place room: then you can attend a meeting immediately at closing of the polls at the primary polling place in a different room as a meeting to elect the new precinct captain, the delegate, and also pass their own original party platform proposition(s) from your precinct (It is similar to a caucus meeting.).
3 Elect the precinct executive. That may be by a show of hands, or by paper ballot, everyone present from that precinct elects someone to be the precinct captain for that precinct for the next two years.
In Some States You Get Signatures and Get on the Primary Ballot
1 Check this guide to get the plan started to take over the precinct level. Election rules and dates for precinct official election are somewhat different for each of the 50 state.
2 Consider running for the official executive position in your precinct for your county, state, and national elections. Your precinct has workers from your neighborhood who make themselves available in each neighborhood. Someone will or can represent the political party at each precinct primary (or caucus) in most areas.
Some precincts are not organized by one or the other of the parties. Such precincts (without many of your party) may yet yield your yeoman base of operation to get involved and may encourage more voters in your precinct to help county, state and national results for your party.
Sometimes the official and the poll workers are mostly friends (from an interested political group, club or religious group) or may be unacquainted individuals with the same cause and may support one another in any case.
Some officials and delegates may have been doing this for many years. Some get involved after retiring from the daily job.
3 Get the deadlines from your county Board of Elections (early) before the next primary. For example, for the winter and spring of each even year – and so be sure when the deadlines are exactly.
4 Call your local Board of Elections and tell them you want to run for Precinct: in ("your party") at the next primary or caucus where precinct executives are elected in your state. State law governs how parties qualify to be recognized as parties, and that is often only the Democratic and Republican parties, as they meet the rules for signatures and the number or percent of votes that have been received by them for state party. The Democratic and Republican party are established and control all 50 states and all 3141 counties. One may pick either the Democratic or Republican party with regard to running for precinct offices.
5 Give the person at the Board of Elections your address. Ask them what precinct number you live in, and they will tell you. You can also find this out for yourself by getting the “Precinct Finder” for your county. This is a book that lists all streets AND what precinct each is in. Some streets are in one precinct for a certain range of addresses and another precinct for another range of addresses such as: Oak Avenue addresses 2000 to 4012 are in Precinct 101; Oak Avenue addresses 4013 to 5180 are in Precinct 102, and so forth.
6 Ask the Board of Elections what are the requirements and ask for a copy of the rules in your state to run for precinct executive (or captain, or committeeman). They will tell you where and how to get this information.
If you get a run around in any way, call your state Secretary of State, and ask them how to find the state laws that govern the precinct elections and the parties who have qualified to be recognized by your state in that period. Such questions are matter of state law. You can double check the rules regarding running from precinct executive by looking it up for yourself on the state website in many states in your state Legal Code.
7 See if your state requires a number such as 5 or 10 signatures from voters in your precinct registered in the same party as you are in. So if you are running in the Republican Party you may need the valid signatures of ten registered Republicans or of those who are registered as independent work in that precinct. For instance, you declare your party by voting on the party ballot that you choose at the even year primary.
Each party has a separate ballot and you legally may vote for only one party in the primary which is choosing the candidates for the fall general election. So if you have chosen to vote a Democratic ballot when you voted in the spring primary in 2008 -- then you are classified as a registered democrat until 2010, when you may change that.
8 Get a map of your precinct. Your precinct has set boundaries as does your county and state. Your precinct may be parts of 10 or 15 streets around your house in your town or the roads in a rural area. The map may be an aerial view of your precinct.
9 Get a walking list for your precinct. Where your precinct begins or ends is found on the walking list which will show you the addresses on each street or road.
The walking list tells you who are the registered voters in your precinct, whether they are registered as Republicans, Democrats, or Independents (or registered in another party qualified in your state, such as the Libertarian Party, Green Party, or Constitution Party, for instance).
10 Use the walking list for your precinct, to be sure you are getting valid signatures for your petition to run for precinct official.
11 Hand in your petition to the Board of Elections when you are finished collecting the required number of valid signatures (get several extra signatures to be sure).
12 Check in your county for your states scheduled dates, and rules for each of the deadlines dates:
When the primary election (or caucus) takes place in your county and state;
When you can pick up the official petition to run for precinct office;
When you can begin getting signatures (for example: is it 90 days before the primary date?);
When you must have turned in your valid petition to the Board of Elections (for example: is that no later than 30 or is that 45 days before the primary?),
(For instance, in your State if the Primary is on May 7th, the time to pick up your official precinct petition may begin 90 days earlier which is around February 7th, and the last day to turn it back in might be 30 days before the primary around April 7th. Turn it in a little earlier of course.)
13 Find out how you will know or how you will be notified that your petition has been certified by the board of Elections. If you have met the required number of valid signatures – then your name will be on the official ballot for only that one election in your precinct, on your party ballot, for that specific primary held in your state.
If you are unopposed for Precinct (executive) in your precinct for your party, then if at least you vote for yourself, then you win. If others have collected the required number of signatures to run for precinct executive in your precinct in your party, then they will also be on the ballot running against you.
For more than one candidate -- the candidate who gets the most votes (plurality - not necessary to be the majority) at the primary wins, and earns the right to go to the "County Party Organizational Meeting" a few weeks or a month or so later (at a local community center, VFW Hall, convention center, or wherever it is to be held) – and vote on who will makeup the Party Chairman and Party Executive Committee for your party in your county for the next 2 years.
This may also be called the "neighborhood precinct chair strategy" by which you may begin to take over at the grassroots in America: precinct-by-precinct, county-by-county, state-by-state, and then your nation... through the all important Ballot Box.
Sidenote: Each state is different. There are simple ways to obtain the necessary information to move forward. Ask questions and don't take "no" for an answer.
True the Vote:
info@truethevote.org.
The GOP’s Ante
By Jonah Goldberg
The “Pledge to America” is not the sum total of the Republican agenda. It is the opening bid.
On the political-gimmickry scale, the GOP’s new “Pledge to America” is worse than some, better than others. Let’s say it falls somewhere between the Federalist Papers and a Harry Reid press release — which, admittedly, pins it down as much as saying you lost a cufflink somewhere between Burkina Faso and Cleveland.
First and foremost it promises to focus on job creation, vowing to stop all scheduled tax hikes (i.e., the expiration of the Bush tax cuts). It offers a steep tax deduction for small businesses and a renewed commitment to curbing business-stifling regulations.
The Pledge also stands athwart the Obama agenda, promising to “repeal and replace the government takeover of health care,” cancel the unspent portion of the stimulus, and drive a stake through the heart of TARP. The Republicans also promise to “roll back government spending to pre-stimulus, pre-bailout levels” and disentangle the government from Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
What’s hardly all of the substance, but the politics are more interesting. Naturally, Democrats attacked the Pledge before they read it as a mean-spirited, irresponsible return to the boneheaded and miserly policies of the Bush years. House majority whip Jim Clyburn insisted it would “visit a plague on Americans.”
Compared to what many Democrats said about the Contract with America, this is a ringing endorsement. Rep. Charlie Rangel said of the 1994 Republican platform: “Hitler wasn’t even talking about doing these things.” And though that is technically true — Hitler wasn’t talking about term limits for committee chairs or demanding an independent audit of Congress’s budget — the insinuation was a good deal more sinister. Indeed, Rep. Major Owens said that the ’94 Republicans were hell-bent on “genocide.” Meanwhile, Clyburn’s biblical-sounding Republican “plague” might invite worries about locusts or, at worst, the killing of the first-born male child in every household.
On the right, reactions were mostly positive, with a healthy mix of skepticism. “I love it,” wrote blogger Michelle Malkin, “provided the words jump off the paper and into reality at some point soon.” Erick Erickson of the conservative website RedState stood out for his rage against the whole thing, calling it a “series of compromises and milquetoast rhetorical flourishes in search of unanimity among House Republicans because [they do] not have the fortitude to lead boldly in opposition to Barack Obama.”
Meanwhile, others, like Charles Krauthammer, argued that the substance was fine, but it was politically dumb to offer any substance at all. The Democrats are self-destructing like a tape-recording in Mission: Impossible. Why get in the way?
My take: They’re all right.
Malkin is absolutely correct that the GOP must prove it is born again on fiscal responsibility. If the Republicans don’t prove it, then the tea party will swoop in like the Shadow Host of Dunharrow in The Lord of the Rings and mow down the Republicans like so many dimwitted orcs.
Krauthammer, I think, is uncharacteristically shortsighted. Politicians not only need mandates, they need to understand what their mandates are. Otherwise they tend to think they were elected for their sheer personal awesomeness. President Obama, somewhat understandably, thought he had a messianic mandate to push a hard partisan agenda from the left. In reality, voters thought his mandate was to be “not Bush” and to then govern from the center. He fulfilled the first part and ignored the second entirely.
It’s true that running on something rather than on nothing might cost the GOP some campaign victories, but running on nothing would deny them even more policy victories. Sending Republicans back into power without a clear mission is like sending teenagers to Vegas for a school trip without a chaperone. Sure, they’ll check out the museums.
As for the argument that the Pledge doesn’t go far enough, that’s obviously true. But it’s also true that the Pledge is far, far more ambitious than the Contract with America was.
Moreover, the fact that it garners support from across the GOP caucus is a good sign, not a bad one, not least because it shows that the GOP can reach out to both the tea parties and independents. Obama and Pelosi’s alienation of independents is destroying the Democratic party right now. Why should the GOP emulate that strategy?
Conservatives shouldn’t look at the Pledge as the sum total of the Republican agenda. They should see it as the opening bid.
— Jonah Goldberg is an editor-at-large of National Review Online and a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. © 2010 Tribune Media Services, Inc.
Pathetic Funnies:
Poll: 71% of Republican voters back tea party
According to a new poll, 71 percent of Republican voters support the tea party movement.
By ANDY BARR
Nearly three-quarters of Republican voters identify themselves as supporters of the tea party movement, according to a new Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll.
The 71 percent of Republicans who count themselves among the tea party faithful had a lot of good things to say about the grass-roots conservative movement, and overall there are several indicators that show growing support for it.
Twenty-seven percent of those surveyed count themselves as part of the tea party movement, compared with 61 percent who do not.
Asked to rate the impact of the tea party movement on “the American political system,” 42 percent said it has been a “good thing,” while just 18 percent believe it has been a “bad thing.” Twenty-eight percent said the movement has not made much difference to the system as a whole.
Only 30 percent said the tea party movement has had “too much” influence on the Republican Party, compared with 18 percent who said “too little” and 33 percent who said “just enough.”
The survey of 1,000 adults was conducted Sept. 22-26 and has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points.
One Nation Rally-October 2nd in Washington, DC
Touted as the biggest liberal rally in decades
Let's take a look at the difference between Glenn Beck's Restoring Honor Rally and the One Nation Working Together Rally.
Glenn Beck had Priests, Rabbis, Reverends, Imans, Pastors, War heroes, Sarah Palin taking about being a Military Mom, Alveda King (MLK's niece) talking about charity and giving yourself in service to others. Glenn spoke of hope, faith and charity with compassion and clarity. Everyone was inspired to be American and by the grace of God.
One Nation working for peace and justice is an amalgam of over 300 liberal/progressive organizations which include environmentalists, anti war activists, gay rights activists, Churches, civil rights groups, Unions organizers, National Council of La Raza, NAACP and others.The day will host speeches, songs and poetry.
One Nation Participants: (Not complete list)
AFL-CIO
American Federation of Teachers
Center for Community Change
Green for All
NAACP
National Council of La Raza
Rainbow PUSH Coalition
SEIU: Service Employees International Union
Sojourners
UAW, International Union
AFSCME
Alliance for Democracy
Campaign for America’s Future
Campaign for Peace and Democracy
Campus Progress
Chicago Democratic Socialists of America
Code Pink
Color of Change.org
Communist Party USA (CPUSA)
Democratic Socialists of America
Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network (GLSEN)
Gray Panthers
Human Rights Campaign
International Socialist Organization
National Education Association
National Urban League
Planned Parenthood
United Steel Workers
Working Families Party
Ya Ya Network
I can't wait to see the lame media's coverage of this event. They will be with their kin. Question - Which group do you align yourself with? Where do your beliefs lie?
Quote du jour:
And the Lord said unto Cain, where is Abel thy brother? And he said, I know not: Am I my brother's keeper?
From the Bible, Genesis IV 9 (King James Version):
President Obama spoke of being a Christian on Tuesday. He mentioned "he was his brother's keeper." Do you think think he knew that Cain killed his brother, Abel? That Cain was in trouble? Doubtful.
Writings of Our Founding Fathers
Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 62
The Senate
For the Independent Journal.
Author: Alexander Hamilton or James Madison
To the People of the State of New York:
HAVING examined the constitution of the House of Representatives, and answered such of the objections against it as seemed to merit notice, I enter next on the examination of the Senate.
The heads into which this member of the government may be considered are: I. The qualification of senators; II. The appointment of them by the State legislatures; III. The equality of representation in the Senate; IV. The number of senators, and the term for which they are to be elected; V. The powers vested in the Senate.
I. The qualifications proposed for senators, as distinguished from those of representatives, consist in a more advanced age and a longer period of citizenship. A senator must be thirty years of age at least; as a representative must be twenty-five. And the former must have been a citizen nine years; as seven years are required for the latter. The propriety of these distinctions is explained by the nature of the senatorial trust, which, requiring greater extent of information and stability of character, requires at the same time that the senator should have reached a period of life most likely to supply these advantages; and which, participating immediately in transactions with foreign nations, ought to be exercised by none who are not thoroughly weaned from the prepossessions and habits incident to foreign birth and education. The term of nine years appears to be a prudent mediocrity between a total exclusion of adopted citizens, whose merits and talents may claim a share in the public confidence, and an indiscriminate and hasty admission of them, which might create a channel for foreign influence on the national councils.
II. It is equally unnecessary to dilate on the appointment of senators by the State legislatures. Among the various modes which might have been devised for constituting this branch of the government, that which has been proposed by the convention is probably the most congenial with the public opinion. It is recommended by the double advantage of favoring a select appointment, and of giving to the State governments such an agency in the formation of the federal government as must secure the authority of the former, and may form a convenient link between the two systems.
III. The equality of representation in the Senate is another point, which, being evidently the result of compromise between the opposite pretensions of the large and the small States, does not call for much discussion. If indeed it be right, that among a people thoroughly incorporated into one nation, every district ought to have a PROPORTIONAL share in the government, and that among independent and sovereign States, bound together by a simple league, the parties, however unequal in size, ought to have an EQUAL share in the common councils, it does not appear to be without some reason that in a compound republic, partaking both of the national and federal character, the government ought to be founded on a mixture of the principles of proportional and equal representation. But it is superfluous to try, by the standard of theory, a part of the Constitution which is allowed on all hands to be the result, not of theory, but "of a spirit of amity, and that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable." A common government, with powers equal to its objects, is called for by the voice, and still more loudly by the political situation, of America. A government founded on principles more consonant to the wishes of the larger States, is not likely to be obtained from the smaller States. The only option, then, for the former, lies between the proposed government and a government still more objectionable. Under this alternative, the advice of prudence must be to embrace the lesser evil; and, instead of indulging a fruitless anticipation of the possible mischiefs which may ensue, to contemplate rather the advantageous consequences which may qualify the sacrifice.
In this spirit it may be remarked, that the equal vote allowed to each State is at once a constitutional recognition of the portion of sovereignty remaining in the individual States, and an instrument for preserving that residuary sovereignty. So far the equality ought to be no less acceptable to the large than to the small States; since they are not less solicitous to guard, by every possible expedient, against an improper consolidation of the States into one simple republic.
Another advantage accruing from this ingredient in the constitution of the Senate is, the additional impediment it must prove against improper acts of legislation. No law or resolution can now be passed without the concurrence, first, of a majority of the people, and then, of a majority of the States. It must be acknowledged that this complicated check on legislation may in some instances be injurious as well as beneficial; and that the peculiar defense which it involves in favor of the smaller States, would be more rational, if any interests common to them, and distinct from those of the other States, would otherwise be exposed to peculiar danger. But as the larger States will always be able, by their power over the supplies, to defeat unreasonable exertions of this prerogative of the lesser States, and as the faculty and excess of law-making seem to be the diseases to which our governments are most liable, it is not impossible that this part of the Constitution may be more convenient in practice than it appears to many in contemplation.
IV. The number of senators, and the duration of their appointment, come next to be considered. In order to form an accurate judgment on both of these points, it will be proper to inquire into the purposes which are to be answered by a senate; and in order to ascertain these, it will be necessary to review the inconveniences which a republic must suffer from the want of such an institution.
First. It is a misfortune incident to republican government, though in a less degree than to other governments, that those who administer it may forget their obligations to their constituents, and prove unfaithful to their important trust. In this point of view, a senate, as a second branch of the legislative assembly, distinct from, and dividing the power with, a first, must be in all cases a salutary check on the government. It doubles the security to the people, by requiring the concurrence of two distinct bodies in schemes of usurpation or perfidy, where the ambition or corruption of one would otherwise be sufficient. This is a precaution founded on such clear principles, and now so well understood in the United States, that it would be more than superfluous to enlarge on it. I will barely remark, that as the improbability of sinister combinations will be in proportion to the dissimilarity in the genius of the two bodies, it must be politic to distinguish them from each other by every circumstance which will consist with a due harmony in all proper measures, and with the genuine principles of republican government.
Secondly. The necessity of a senate is not less indicated by the propensity of all single and numerous assemblies to yield to the impulse of sudden and violent passions, and to be seduced by factious leaders into intemperate and pernicious resolutions. Examples on this subject might be cited without number; and from proceedings within the United States, as well as from the history of other nations. But a position that will not be contradicted, need not be proved. All that need be remarked is, that a body which is to correct this infirmity ought itself to be free from it, and consequently ought to be less numerous. It ought, moreover, to possess great firmness, and consequently ought to hold its authority by a tenure of considerable duration.
Thirdly. Another defect to be supplied by a senate lies in a want of due acquaintance with the objects and principles of legislation. It is not possible that an assembly of men called for the most part from pursuits of a private nature, continued in appointment for a short time, and led by no permanent motive to devote the intervals of public occupation to a study of the laws, the affairs, and the comprehensive interests of their country, should, if left wholly to themselves, escape a variety of important errors in the exercise of their legislative trust. It may be affirmed, on the best grounds, that no small share of the present embarrassments of America is to be charged on the blunders of our governments; and that these have proceeded from the heads rather than the hearts of most of the authors of them. What indeed are all the repealing, explaining, and amending laws, which fill and disgrace our voluminous codes, but so many monuments of deficient wisdom; so many impeachments exhibited by each succeeding against each preceding session; so many admonitions to the people, of the value of those aids which may be expected from a well-constituted senate?
A good government implies two things: first, fidelity to the object of government, which is the happiness of the people; secondly, a knowledge of the means by which that object can be best attained. Some governments are deficient in both these qualities; most governments are deficient in the first. I scruple not to assert, that in American governments too little attention has been paid to the last. The federal Constitution avoids this error; and what merits particular notice, it provides for the last in a mode which increases the security for the first.
Fourthly. The mutability in the public councils arising from a rapid succession of new members, however qualified they may be, points out, in the strongest manner, the necessity of some stable institution in the government. Every new election in the States is found to change one half of the representatives. From this change of men must proceed a change of opinions; and from a change of opinions, a change of measures. But a continual change even of good measures is inconsistent with every rule of prudence and every prospect of success. The remark is verified in private life, and becomes more just, as well as more important, in national transactions.
To trace the mischievous effects of a mutable government would fill a volume. I will hint a few only, each of which will be perceived to be a source of innumerable others.
In the first place, it forfeits the respect and confidence of other nations, and all the advantages connected with national character. An individual who is observed to be inconstant to his plans, or perhaps to carry on his affairs without any plan at all, is marked at once, by all prudent people, as a speedy victim to his own unsteadiness and folly. His more friendly neighbors may pity him, but all will decline to connect their fortunes with his; and not a few will seize the opportunity of making their fortunes out of his. One nation is to another what one individual is to another; with this melancholy distinction perhaps, that the former, with fewer of the benevolent emotions than the latter, are under fewer restraints also from taking undue advantage from the indiscretions of each other. Every nation, consequently, whose affairs betray a want of wisdom and stability, may calculate on every loss which can be sustained from the more systematic policy of their wiser neighbors. But the best instruction on this subject is unhappily conveyed to America by the example of her own situation. She finds that she is held in no respect by her friends; that she is the derision of her enemies; and that she is a prey to every nation which has an interest in speculating on her fluctuating councils and embarrassed affairs.
The internal effects of a mutable policy are still more calamitous. It poisons the blessing of liberty itself. It will be of little avail to the people, that the laws are made by men of their own choice, if the laws be so voluminous that they cannot be read, or so incoherent that they cannot be understood; if they be repealed or revised before they are promulgated, or undergo such incessant changes that no man, who knows what the law is to-day, can guess what it will be to-morrow. Law is defined to be a rule of action; but how can that be a rule, which is little known, and less fixed?
Another effect of public instability is the unreasonable advantage it gives to the sagacious, the enterprising, and the moneyed few over the industrious and uniformed mass of the people. Every new regulation concerning commerce or revenue, or in any way affecting the value of the different species of property, presents a new harvest to those who watch the change, and can trace its consequences; a harvest, reared not by themselves, but by the toils and cares of the great body of their fellow-citizens. This is a state of things in which it may be said with some truth that laws are made for the FEW, not for the MANY.
In another point of view, great injury results from an unstable government. The want of confidence in the public councils damps every useful undertaking, the success and profit of which may depend on a continuance of existing arrangements. What prudent merchant will hazard his fortunes in any new branch of commerce when he knows not but that his plans may be rendered unlawful before they can be executed? What farmer or manufacturer will lay himself out for the encouragement given to any particular cultivation or establishment, when he can have no assurance that his preparatory labors and advances will not render him a victim to an inconstant government? In a word, no great improvement or laudable enterprise can go forward which requires the auspices of a steady system of national policy.
But the most deplorable effect of all is that diminution of attachment and reverence which steals into the hearts of the people, towards a political system which betrays so many marks of infirmity, and disappoints so many of their flattering hopes. No government, any more than an individual, will long be respected without being truly respectable; nor be truly respectable, without possessing a certain portion of order and stability.
PUBLIUS.
References:
http://www.hotair.com/
http://www.weeklystandard.com/
http://www.thehill.com/
http://www.drudgereport.com/
http://www.politico.com/
http://www.americanhinker.com/
http://www.youtube.com/
http://www.quotationspage.com/
http://www.americanspectator.com/
http://www.theblaze.com/
Library of Congress/Federalist Papers
Jonah Goldberg
Andy Barr
http://www.nronline.com/
Gorell
Bible, King James Version
