Monday, August 30, 2010

Lives touched by the Stimulus

Opinion at Large

Let's see, who hasn't been touched by the notorious Obama administration 787B stimulus which is costing over a trillion dollars? All of America has been touched and some touching is inappropriate. I can't wait to see my 2010 tax liability. I think our kids and grand kids will be burdened with the accumulative debt service accrued by this generation. It seems the Obama administration doesn't have a clue how to fix our economy. They know if they lowered certain taxes and extend the Bush tax cuts would assist small business to grow and develop the confidence needed to rebuild our American exceptionalism and leadership in the world. I wish I could take as many vacations as the anointed one. I get two weeks a year vacation. Who writes the President's contract? The President? If the faltering economy was on my watch, I would not be hanging out with the elitist liberals on Martha's Vineyard's finest golf courses. Obama seems almost indifferent. He does love the fun part of being the President of the United States, however, when it comes to those pesky foreign affairs matters or solutions to fix the economy or domestic issues like immigration, he doesn't tackle these issues which are important to regular Americans. I as read the news, even left leaning news agencies, better known as "state run media," has called for the firing of Obama's financial team, especially little Timmy Geitner, (Mr. Turbotax). Three years ago, I was on my high-horse telling anyone who would listen my opinion of Obama. My analysis of him was of a typical extremely liberal, tax and spend democrat who could speak eloquently (with teleprompter) and dazzle audiences with his vocabulary. Unfortunately, what I call "useful idiots" followed Obama like the Pied Piper leading the hoards of rats. I don't think this was the change they were looking for as they, the useful idiots search frantically for employment as the bank repossesses their homes or cars. Why did Kennedy, Reagan, Clinton and Bush lower taxes? Because it worked and repaired the economies of these respective Presidents. The Keynesian theory of spending your way out of a recession has never worked. Why do we not learn from Europe. What really scares me with Barry O, is he will sacrifice his second term and any democrat ally to achieve his socialistic agenda in transforming his idea of America. In my opinion, Obama has a major chip on his shoulder concerning America, simply put, he is embarrassed by America, he believes America is the problem and we should pay for this. Over the weekend, my wife and I went to the Restoring Honor Rally in DC hosted by Glenn Beck. It was so refreshing to see 300K to 400K patriotic Americans gathering on a hot Saturday to show the rest of America that we yearn to return to the traditional values of God, family and country. This rally was not political. Alveda King, (MLK's niece) spoke about family, abortion and gay issues. Reverend C.L. Wright spoke about how great this country is and the people that have make it exceptional. Sarah Palin (the liberals' nemesis), spoke of our incredible military and what it means to be a family member of a military service person. Glenn Beck spoke about all these topics. There were not any political signs, however, an abundance of American flags were proudly carried and displayed. In less than two weeks,we will attend another 912 rally in DC. That rally will be very political. Obama doesn't realize he has awoken a sleeping giant. Regular people from across our nation attends these rallies to show their disgust and opposition to the administration's policies and radical shift to the left. Mainstream America does not subscribe to the liberal/socialistic policies that Obama and the majority liberal democrats are stoving down our throats. Having said that, it all boils down to the economy and the 9.5% unemployment. This is the engine that runs America. If this administration doesn't create a economic miracle in the next month, the midterms will be even worse for democrats than previously estimated. A big factor will be the black vote. Unemployment amongst black men has been estimated from 30 to 40%. That is unacceptable. We went out to dinner the other night and our nice, young waiter mentioned he graduated from the University of Maryland a year ago and can not find any kind of professional position. He said no one is hiring, period. He refuses to accept unemployment (good for him). I have heard this from so many people. A friend who lives in Florida said he just lost his job after twenty years at the same job. Americans will be thinking about this when they go to the polls. I believe this midterm election will go down in the history books before the liberal teacher's union has a chance to change history. Please attend the 912 Rally in DC coming up. Attend a Tea Party and you will see that these are the nicest and friendliest people you will ever meet. I feel honored to be part of these patriotic events. November 2nd is coming. It's time to clean House (and Senate).  

Taxman and Robber:


Superman Obama:



Charles Krauthammer: A comeuppance for liberals


The left has relied on careless accusations of bigotry instead of considering why most Americans reject it. No wonder it's in trouble.


By Charles Krauthammer


Liberalism under siege is an ugly sight. Just yesterday, it was all hope and change and returning power to the people. But the people have proved so disappointing. Their recalcitrance has, in only 19 months, turned the predicted 40-year liberal ascendancy (James Carville) into a full retreat.


Ah, the people - the little people, the small-town people, the "bitter" people, as Barack Obama, in an unguarded moment, once memorably called them - clinging "to guns or religion or" - this is less remembered - "antipathy toward people who aren't like them."


That's a polite way of saying: clinging to bigotry. And promiscuous charges of bigotry are precisely how our current rulers and their vast media auxiliary react to an obstreperous citizenry that insists on incorrect thinking.


Resistance to the vast expansion of government power, intrusiveness, and debt, as represented by the tea-party movement? Why, racist resentment of a black president.


Disgust and alarm at the U.S. government's unwillingness to curb illegal immigration, as crystallized in the Arizona law? Nativism.


Opposition to the most radical redefinition of marriage in human history, as expressed in Proposition 8 in California? Homophobia.


Opposition to a 15-story Islamic center and mosque near ground zero? Islamophobia.


Now we know why the country has become "ungovernable," which was last year's excuse for the Democrats' failure of governance. Who can possibly govern a nation of racist, nativist, homophobic Islamophobes?


Note what connects these issues. In every one, liberals have lost the argument in the court of public opinion. Majorities - often lopsided majorities - oppose President Obama's social-democratic agenda (e.g., the stimulus, Obamacare), support the Arizona law, oppose gay marriage, and reject a mosque near ground zero.


What's a liberal to do? Pull out the bigotry charge, the trump that preempts debate and gives no credit to the seriousness and substance of the contrary argument.


The most venerable of these trumps is, of course, the race card. When the tea party arose, a spontaneous, leaderless, and perfectly natural (and traditionally American) reaction to the vast expansion of government intrinsic to the president's proudly proclaimed transformational agenda, the liberal commentariat cast it as a mob of angry, white yahoos disguising their antipathy to a black president by cleverly speaking in economic terms.


Then came Arizona and S.B. 1070. It seems impossible for the left to believe that people of goodwill could hold that: illegal immigration should be illegal; the federal government should not hold border enforcement hostage to comprehensive reform, i.e., amnesty; and every country has the right to determine the composition of its immigrant population.


As for Proposition 8, is it so hard to see why people might believe that a single judge overturning the will of seven million voters is an affront to democracy? And that seeing merit in retaining the structure of the most ancient and fundamental of all social institutions is something other than hatred of gays - particularly since the opposite-gender requirement has characterized virtually every society in all the millennia until just a few years ago?


And now the mosque. The intelligentsia is near unanimous that the only possible grounds for opposition is bigotry toward Muslims. This smug attribution of bigotry to two-thirds of the population hinges on the insistence on a complete lack of connection between Islam and radical Islam, a proposition that dovetails perfectly with the Obama administration's pretense that we are at war with nothing more than "violent extremists" of inscrutable motive and indiscernible belief. Those who reject this as both ridiculous and politically correct (an admitted redundancy) are declared Islamophobes, the ad hominem du jour.


It is a measure of the corruption of liberal thought and the collapse of its self-confidence that, finding itself so widely repudiated, it resorts reflexively to the cheapest race-baiting (in a colorful variety of forms). Indeed, how can one reason with a nation of pitchfork-wielding mobs brimming with "antipathy toward people who aren't like them" - blacks, Hispanics, gays, and Muslims - a nation that is, as Michelle Obama once put it succinctly, "just downright mean"?


The Democrats are going to get beaten badly in November - not just because the economy is ailing, and not just because Obama over-read his mandate in governing too far left, but because a comeuppance is due the arrogant elites whose undisguised contempt for the great unwashed prevents them from conceding a modicum of serious thought to those who dare oppose them.


Charles Krauthammer is a Washington


Post columnist. He can be reached at letters@charleskrauthammer.com.


Pathetic Funnies:
"The Obummer"
Government Motor's car of the year


Obama: The people at Beck’s rally are filled with anxiety
posted at 12:23 pm on August 30, 2010 by Allahpundit

Seven minutes with The One on Glenn Beck’s rally, the Ground Zero mosque, and the endless conspiracizing about his faith and birthplace. (Wisely, he passed on Carville’s advice on what to say about that last subject.) Something for everyone here. For Birthers, agony when Williams declines to press him on the location of the holy grail, a.k.a. his long-form birth certificate. For mosque supporters/opponents, confusion when he suggests that he supports Park51 being built where it is (since we’d let a church or synagogue be built there), then hedges once again by emphasizing that he’s not endorsing any particular project. And for political junkies, shock when a question about Glenn Beck’s religious rally on the Mall leads him to repeat his single biggest mistake of the 2008 campaign. Here’s the money quote, which comes at the very end of the clip. Isn’t this his infamous bitter/clinger theory of small-town values voters dressed up in slightly more politic language?


I — I do think that it’s important for us to recognize that right now, the country’s going through a very difficult time, as a consequence of years of neglect in a whole range of areas. Our schools not working the way they need to, so we’ve slipped in terms of the number of college graduates, you know?


A financial system that was not, you know, operating in a way that maintained integrity and assured that the people who were investing or who were buying a home or were using a credit card weren’t getting in some way cheated. We had a health care system that was broken and that was bankrupting families and businesses. All those issues are big, tough, difficult issues. And those are just our domestic issues. That’s before we get to policy issues in two wars. And a continuing battle against terrorists who want to do us harm.


So, given all those anxieties — and given the fact that, you know, in none of these situations are you going to be fix things overnight. It’s not surprising that somebody like a Mr. Beck is able to stir up a certain portion of the country. That’s been true throughout our history. What I’m focused on is making sure that the decisions we’re making now are going to be be not good for the nightly news. Not good even necessarily for the next election. But are good for the next generation. And I’m very confident that those decisions are the ones that we’ve made.


He says he didn’t watch the rally so he may be under the impression that it was a three-hour “the socialists are coming!” Obama bash-fest. Not so; Weigel is closer to the mark in describing it as “the world’s largest megachurch.” I don’t know what The One was thinking, but dismissing what ended up being a big revival meeting as a byproduct of economic anxiety is not the way to ingratiate oneself with religious voters. And I’m not sure how to take the bit about America producing fewer college grads than it used to. Is he suggesting that that’s one of the things Beck’s audience is worried about? Or is he suggesting that it’s because they themselves are ill-educated that they follow Beck at all?


Update: I changed the headline to emphasize his comments about the rally instead of the Birther thing, which is actually tangential to the post.

Video of the week:


WWRRD?

Quote du Jour:
A little matter will move a party, but it must be something great that moves a nation.
Thomas Paine, Rights of Man, 1792

Polls we can live by:
28% Strongly approve of the President's job performance
40% strongly disapprove
46% Somewhat approve
52% Somewhat disapprove
58% Favor the repeal the Obamacare

Writings of Our Founding Fathers
Federalist Papers




Federalist No. 54



The Apportionment of Members Among the States


From the New York Packet.


Tuesday, February 12, 1788.


Author: Alexander Hamilton or James Madison


To the People of the State of New York:


The next view which I shall take of the House of Representatives relates to the appointment of its members to the several States which is to be determined by the same rule with that of direct taxes. It is not contended that the number of people in each State ought not to be the standard for regulating the proportion of those who are to represent the people of each State. The establishment of the same rule for the appointment of taxes, will probably be as little contested; though the rule itself in this case, is by no means founded on the same principle. In the former case, the rule is understood to refer to the personal rights of the people, with which it has a natural and universal connection.


In the latter, it has reference to the proportion of wealth, of which it is in no case a precise measure, and in ordinary cases a very unfit one. But notwithstanding the imperfection of the rule as applied to the relative wealth and contributions of the States, it is evidently the least objectionable among the practicable rules, and had too recently obtained the general sanction of America, not to have found a ready preference with the convention. All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said; but does it follow, from an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation? Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought therefore to be comprehended in estimates of taxation which are founded on property, and to be excluded from representation which is regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection, as I understand it, stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. "We subscribe to the doctrine," might one of our Southern brethren observe, "that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation more immediately to property, and we join in the application of this distinction to the case of our slaves. But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities: being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects as property. In being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body, by the capricious will of another, the slave may appear to be degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. In being protected, on the other hand, in his life and in his limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed against others, the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The federal Constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and of property. This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the pretext that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants. "This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be calculated, and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of contributions was to be adjusted? Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same light, when advantages were to be conferred? Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the Southern States with the barbarous policy of considering as property a part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light of property, than the very laws of which they complain? "It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They neither vote themselves nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the federal estimate of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the Constitution would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been appealed to as the proper guide. "This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution, that as the aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is to be determined by a federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of inhabitants, so the right of choosing this allotted number in each State is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants as the State itself may designate. The qualifications on which the right of suffrage depend are not, perhaps, the same in any two States. In some of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which the federal Constitution apportions the representatives.


In this point of view the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous adherence, however, to this principle, is waived by those who would be gainers by it. All that they ask is that equal moderation be shown on the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the Constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the SLAVE as divested of two fifths of the MAN. "After all, may not another ground be taken on which this article of the Constitution will admit of a still more ready defense? We have hitherto proceeded on the idea that representation related to persons only, and not at all to property. But is it a just idea?


Government is instituted no less for protection of the property, than of the persons, of individuals. The one as well as the other, therefore, may be considered as represented by those who are charged with the government. Upon this principle it is, that in several of the States, and particularly in the State of New York, one branch of the government is intended more especially to be the guardian of property, and is accordingly elected by that part of the society which is most interested in this object of government. In the federal Constitution, this policy does not prevail. The rights of property are committed into the same hands with the personal rights. Some attention ought, therefore, to be paid to property in the choice of those hands. "For another reason, the votes allowed in the federal legislature to the people of each State, ought to bear some proportion to the comparative wealth of the States. States have not, like individuals, an influence over each other, arising from superior advantages of fortune. If the law allows an opulent citizen but a single vote in the choice of his representative, the respect and consequence which he derives from his fortunate situation very frequently guide the votes of others to the objects of his choice; and through this imperceptible channel the rights of property are conveyed into the public representation. A State possesses no such influence over other States. It is not probable that the richest State in the Confederacy will ever influence the choice of a single representative in any other State. Nor will the representatives of the larger and richer States possess any other advantage in the federal legislature, over the representatives of other States, than what may result from their superior number alone. As far, therefore, as their superior wealth and weight may justly entitle them to any advantage, it ought to be secured to them by a superior share of representation. The new Constitution is, in this respect, materially different from the existing Confederation, as well as from that of the United Netherlands, and other similar confederacies. In each of the latter, the efficacy of the federal resolutions depends on the subsequent and voluntary resolutions of the states composing the union. Hence the states, though possessing an equal vote in the public councils, have an unequal influence, corresponding with the unequal importance of these subsequent and voluntary resolutions. Under the proposed Constitution, the federal acts will take effect without the necessary intervention of the individual States. They will depend merely on the majority of votes in the federal legislature, and consequently each vote, whether proceeding from a larger or smaller State, or a State more or less wealthy or powerful, will have an equal weight and efficacy: in the same manner as the votes individually given in a State legislature, by the representatives of unequal counties or other districts, have each a precise equality of value and effect; or if there be any difference in the case, it proceeds from the difference in the personal character of the individual representative, rather than from any regard to the extent of the district from which he comes. "Such is the reasoning which an advocate for the Southern interests might employ on this subject; and although it may appear to be a little strained in some points, yet, on the whole, I must confess that it fully reconciles me to the scale of representation which the convention have established. In one respect, the establishment of a common measure for representation and taxation will have a very salutary effect. As the accuracy of the census to be obtained by the Congress will necessarily depend, in a considerable degree on the disposition, if not on the co-operation, of the States, it is of great importance that the States should feel as little bias as possible, to swell or to reduce the amount of their numbers. Were their share of representation alone to be governed by this rule, they would have an interest in exaggerating their inhabitants. Were the rule to decide their share of taxation alone, a contrary temptation would prevail. By extending the rule to both objects, the States will have opposite interests, which will control and balance each other, and produce the requisite impartiality.


PUBLIUS.


References:
http://www.hotair.com/
http://www.weeklystandard.com/
http://www.americanspectator.com/
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/
http://www.youtube.com/
http://www.foundingfathers.com/
Library of Congress/Federalist Papers
Charles Krauthammer
Washington Post
Allahpundit
www.newsmax.com
www.rasmussenreports.com
www.jibjab.com


















Tuesday, August 3, 2010

Sinking of the Steamer "Liberalism"

Opinion at large

It is rather amusing to see the liberals showing their true colors as we get closer the day of reckoning, November 2nd. It reminds me of the republicans making the headlines and losing their seats back in '06. The democrats seem to not have learned a thing. "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." I've been following Charlie (Tax thee but not me) Rangel, 13 violation by his congressional peers. Why doesn't he retire. As a conservative, I hope he fights this to the end. This would bad for the democrat incumbents who know they are in hot water without this paramount news debacle. The democrats are poised to lose the House, and possibly the Senate. Even if they retain control of the Senate, it will be close to equal. I fear this is what the anointed one wants, so when the state of affairs gets worse, he will conveniently blame the republicans. His administrations' modis operandi is to blame the economy on Bush. I know, it's only been 19 months since ObieWonKenobi took office, however, it is surely George W. Bush's fault, otherwise, he would have to blame himself. Let's face it, the democrats' Keynesian economic theory is a unequivocal failure. Imagine at night, when the liberals are sitting on their big cushiony couch, with a single malt scotch in their hand, wondering how their dream of a socialistic, western European government-run-everything has emerged as a huge disappointment and colossal nonacheivement. Take Maxine Waters, D-CA, has been charged with ethics violations and awaiting a public trial. It was a small conflict of interest, she solicited TARP funds for a bank where her husband sat on the board and owns thousands of shares. We, the American public can't allow Maxine to lose money if that bank failed. My Dad use to say, "don't do as I do, do as I say. He might have heard this from the democrats. "If I did this, I would be in jail. Anyway, I hope Rangel and Waters go on trial and appear on the front page of the state run media's newspapers. This will help the republicans stampede over the democrats. I got such a chuckle when Al 'Sharpie Sharp" Sharpton introduced the race card once again. He said since Rangel and Waters are black congress people, there has to be racism. Not that they broke the law, or anything like that. Pathetic! Where is Jesse Jackson, I'm surprised he hasn't jumped on the bandwagon. Next, we have Pete Stark, D-CA, who inserts foot into mouth, weekly. He said at a townhall meeting in CA, that not hiring an illegal alien could be "unconstitutional." What? Also, he asked a constituent who was he going to kill today concerning the tea party. I think we can agree, the politicians, from both sides of the aisle, have forgotten who they work for. They are eletists who do not care what the American people want. I want to start a campaign for term limits in congress after the republicans take back the House. I realize we would need to win the Senate and Presidency along with the House to accomplish this enormous feat. When they leave their represented state and move to Washington, they become "inside the beltway" politicians. Cocktail and dinner parties influence their decisions. Two terms and out. I am so excited about the Restoring Honor Rally at the Lincoln Memorial in DC on August 28th. Even though the state run media will report that 92 people showed up, I am confident that thousands will attend. We have attended other rallies like the 912 rally and different tea party afilliated protest and it is one of the best times we have ever had. I hope you get involved and join or participate in some type of conservative cause. Correction - the American Movement. If you don't, then don't complain. 

Speaking Stark:
   

Troubled Waters:
 

It was my staff's fault:


Obama's Immigration Power Play

By W. James Antle, III
8.2.10 @ 6:09AM


Last week, the Obama administration got Clinton-appointed Judge Susan Bolton to at least temporarily throw out key provisions of Arizona's immigration law. Within 24 hours came more evidence that they weren't done eviscerating immigration enforcement yet.


That proof came in the form of an astonishing internal memo outlining ways the United States Citizen and Immigration Services (USCIS) could effectively legalize at least tens of thousands of illegal immigrants even if Congress fails to enact amnesty. Some would be granted resident status with the USCIS simply giving them green cards. Others would be allowed to evade deportation, possibly indefinitely.


"In the absence of Comprehensive Immigration Reform, CIS can extend benefits and/or protections to many individuals and groups by issuing new guidance and regulations," said the memo, which was prepared by four senior officials from different parts of USCIS for the agency's director. Two of the memo's authors are Obama appointees, as is USCIS head Alejandro N. Mayorkas.


Sen. Charles Grassley (R-IA) made the 11-page document public last Thursday, arguing in a public statement, "This memo gives credence to our concerns that the administration will go to great lengths to circumvent Congress and unilaterally execute a back door amnesty plan." In June, Grassley and six other senators sent President Obama a letter asking him to deny rumors that his underlings were contemplating amnesty by executive fiat.


Now we have good reason to believe the rumors were true. One proposal contained in the memo was that the USCIS grant "parole in place," which comes with a work permit and the right to apply for a green card, to various illegal immigrants. Another suggestion was to give "deferred action," delaying deportation indefinitely and preserving eligibility to apply for a work permit, to illegal aliens who would have benefited from the DREAM Act.


That would be the same DREAM Act, incidentally, that Congress has repeatedly failed to pass, much as it has shot down broader-based amnesty proposals.


Finally, the memos' authors suggest that the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) could simply stop issuing the "notice to appear" letters that begin the deportation process. The only exception would be in cases where the illegal alien is found to have "significant negative immigration or criminal history."


The exposure of this memo understandably generated controversy, which the administration was eager to tamp down. A hastily issued USCIS statement insisted that the memos were just a draft and that "nobody should mistake deliberation and exchange of ideas for final decisions."


"To be clear," the statement continued, "DHS will not grant deferred action or humanitarian parole to the nation's entire illegal immigrant population." As the Church Lady used to say, "Well, isn't that special?"


Even if the memo merely shows mid-level bureaucrats engaging in a brainstorming session about how to undermine the immigration laws they are being paid to uphold, it captures the essence of this administration's approach to immigration enforcement. Criminal prosecutions of employers who knowingly hire illegal immigrants are down and worksite raids have virtually stopped. The DHS official running the Office of Detention and Removal Operations has admitted the administration is, as a matter of policy, trying to avoid arresting illegals.


According to one report, through May administrative arrests were down 81 percent from 2008, criminal arrests down 67 percent, indictments are down 73 percent, and convictions down 75 percent. "I think there have been very few operations that have generated arrests of undocumented workers," David Venturella, the acting director in charge of such operations, was quoted as saying at an Urban Institute event.


But what about reports that the Obama administration is deporting record numbers of illegal immigrants? Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) told the Washington Post that they planned to deport 400,000 people this fiscal year, up 10 percent from 2008 and 25 percent from 2007.


Like their predecessors in the generally lax Bush administration, Obama's immigration henchmen can be counted on to periodically ratchet up enforcement when doing so will aid the call for "comprehensive immigration reform." Most of this uptick reflects a recent effort to identify illegal aliens who have committed other crimes.


Yet neither the deportations of criminal aliens nor the ballyhooed audits of companies that hire workers with bogus Social Security numbers really turn off the jobs magnet luring illegal immigrants into this country. Remember: as amnesty advocates are always fond of reminding us, we cannot deport every illegal immigrant in the United States. The main goal of attrition through enforcement is to entice large numbers of illegals to in effect deport themselves.


Focusing on the worst criminals among the illegal population -- and relatively light civil fines of employers who flunk their audits -- while giving de facto amnesty to everyone else will not reduce the number of illegal immigrants here to a manageable level. It will merely allow the Obama administration to appear tough while actually undermining attrition through enforcement.


States like Arizona have learned that serious immigration enforcement is a dirty job the federal government won't do -- and one that the Obama administration won't let anyone else perform, either. Even if they must rely on unaccountable federal judges and bureaucrats, it is amnesty or bust, the will of the people and their elected representatives be damned.

Polls we can live by:
Rasmussen Reports:
27% Stronglt agree of Presidential job performance
42% Strongly disagree
Presidential Approval Index Rating: -15
46% Somewhat agree of Presidential job performance
53% Somewhat disagree

Gallup:
41% Presidential approval rating (lowest ever)

Funny & Pathetic:





A Bleak Picture of Government Debt


By Thomas Sowell


August 3, 2010



Rumors of Congressional Democrats privately expressing disapproval of the Obama administration's actions and policies have been given more credence by such things as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi's public criticism of White House spokesman Robert Gibbs. But when two long-time Democratic pollsters, Patrick Caddell and Douglas Schoen, called President Obama "cynical" and "racially divisive," that was a dramatic statement. It was like saying that the emperor has no clothes.


A much more rhetorically subdued but nevertheless devastating implicit criticism of current government spending policies came from an even more unlikely source: the Congressional Budget Office, whose director is a Democrat.


Without naming names or making political charges, the Congressional Budget Office last week issued a report titled "Federal Debt and the Risk of a Fiscal Crisis." The report's dry, measured words paint a painfully bleak picture of the long-run dangers from the current runaway government deficits.


The CBO report points out that the national debt, which was 36 percent of the Gross Domestic Product three years ago, is now projected to be 62 percent of GDP at the end of fiscal year 2010-- and rising in future years.


Tracing the history of the national debt back to the beginning of the country, the CBO finds that the national debt did not exceed 50 percent of GDP, even when the country was fighting the Civil War, the First World War or any other war except World War II. Moreover, a graph in the CBO report shows the national debt going down sharply after World War II, as the nation began paying off its wartime when the war was over.


By contrast, our current national debt is still going up and may end up in "unfamiliar territory," according to the CBO, reaching "unsustainable levels." They spell out the economic consequences-- and it is not a pretty picture.


Although Barack Obama and members of his administration constantly talk about the so-called "stimulus" spending as creating a demand for goods that is in turn "creating jobs," every dime they spend comes from somewhere else, which means that there is less money to create jobs somewhere else.


There is no reason to believe that all this runaway spending is creating jobs-- on net balance. The fact that the unemployment rate remains stuck at nearly 10 percent belies the idea that great numbers of jobs are being created-- again, on net balance.


White House press Secretary Robert Gibbs' recent rant against Rush Limbaugh for criticizing the bailout of General Motors went on and on about how this bailout had saved "a million jobs." But where does Gibbs think the bailout money came from? The Tooth Fairy?


When you take money from the taxpayers and spend it to rescue the jobs of one set of workers-- your union political supporters, in this case-- what does that do to the demand for the jobs of other workers, whose products taxpayers would have bought with the money you took away from them? There is no net economic gain to the country from this, though there may well be political gains for the administration from having rescued their UAW supporters.


The same principle applies to money that came from selling government bonds, thus adding to the national debt. People who bought those government bonds had other things they could have invested in, if those government bonds had not been issued.


As the Congressional Budget Office puts it, if the national debt continues to grow out of control, a "growing portion of people's savings would go to purchase government debt rather than toward investments in productive capital goods such as factories and computers; that 'crowding out' of investment would lead to lower output and incomes than would otherwise occur."


Just paying the interest on a growing national debt can require higher tax rates, which "would discourage work and saving and further reduce output," according to the CBO.


It would probably do no good to send Robert Gibbs-- or Barack Obama, for that matter-- a copy of the government's own Congressional Budget Office report. Spending vast sums of money in politically strategic places helps the Obama administration politically, and that is obviously their bottom line.

I wish Thomas Sowell would run for President.
 
Quote du jour:
"Every step we take towards making the State our Caretaker of our lives, by that much we move toward making the State our Master."

Dwight D. Eisenhower
 
Video of the week:
Anthony is a Weiner:

 
 
Writings of Our Founding Fathers
Federalist Papers




Federalist No. 53


The Same Subject Continued: The House of Representatives


From the New York Packet.


Tuesday, February 12, 1788.


Author: Alexander Hamilton or James Madison


To the People of the State of New York:


I SHALL here, perhaps, be reminded of a current observation, "that where annual elections end, tyranny begins. " If it be true, as has often been remarked, that sayings which become proverbial are generally founded in reason, it is not less true, that when once established, they are often applied to cases to which the reason of them does not extend. I need not look for a proof beyond the case before us. What is the reason on which this proverbial observation is founded? No man will subject himself to the ridicule of pretending that any natural connection subsists between the sun or the seasons, and the period within which human virtue can bear the temptations of power. Happily for mankind, liberty is not, in this respect, confined to any single point of time; but lies within extremes, which afford sufficient latitude for all the variations which may be required by the various situations and circumstances of civil society. The election of magistrates might be, if it were found expedient, as in some instances it actually has been, daily, weekly, or monthly, as well as annual; and if circumstances may require a deviation from the rule on one side, why not also on the other side? Turning our attention to the periods established among ourselves, for the election of the most numerous branches of the State legislatures, we find them by no means coinciding any more in this instance, than in the elections of other civil magistrates. In Connecticut and Rhode Island, the periods are half-yearly. In the other States, South Carolina excepted, they are annual. In South Carolina they are biennial as is proposed in the federal government. Here is a difference, as four to one, between the longest and shortest periods; and yet it would be not easy to show, that Connecticut or Rhode Island is better governed, or enjoys a greater share of rational liberty, than South Carolina; or that either the one or the other of these States is distinguished in these respects, and by these causes, from the States whose elections are different from both. In searching for the grounds of this doctrine, I can discover but one, and that is wholly inapplicable to our case. The important distinction so well understood in America, between a Constitution established by the people and unalterable by the government, and a law established by the government and alterable by the government, seems to have been little understood and less observed in any other country. Wherever the supreme power of legislation has resided, has been supposed to reside also a full power to change the form of the government. Even in Great Britain, where the principles of political and civil liberty have been most discussed, and where we hear most of the rights of the Constitution, it is maintained that the authority of the Parliament is transcendent and uncontrollable, as well with regard to the Constitution, as the ordinary objects of legislative provision. They have accordingly, in several instances, actually changed, by legislative acts, some of the most fundamental articles of the government. They have in particular, on several occasions, changed the period of election; and, on the last occasion, not only introduced septennial in place of triennial elections, but by the same act, continued themselves in place four years beyond the term for which they were elected by the people. An attention to these dangerous practices has produced a very natural alarm in the votaries of free government, of which frequency of elections is the corner-stone; and has led them to seek for some security to liberty, against the danger to which it is exposed. Where no Constitution, paramount to the government, either existed or could be obtained, no constitutional security, similar to that established in the United States, was to be attempted. Some other security, therefore, was to be sought for; and what better security would the case admit, than that of selecting and appealing to some simple and familiar portion of time, as a standard for measuring the danger of innovations, for fixing the national sentiment, and for uniting the patriotic exertions? The most simple and familiar portion of time, applicable to the subject was that of a year; and hence the doctrine has been inculcated by a laudable zeal, to erect some barrier against the gradual innovations of an unlimited government, that the advance towards tyranny was to be calculated by the distance of departure from the fixed point of annual elections. But what necessity can there be of applying this expedient to a government limited, as the federal government will be, by the authority of a paramount Constitution? Or who will pretend that the liberties of the people of America will not be more secure under biennial elections, unalterably fixed by such a Constitution, than those of any other nation would be, where elections were annual, or even more frequent, but subject to alterations by the ordinary power of the government? The second question stated is, whether biennial elections be necessary or useful. The propriety of answering this question in the affirmative will appear from several very obvious considerations. No man can be a competent legislator who does not add to an upright intention and a sound judgment a certain degree of knowledge of the subjects on which he is to legislate. A part of this knowledge may be acquired by means of information which lie within the compass of men in private as well as public stations. Another part can only be attained, or at least thoroughly attained, by actual experience in the station which requires the use of it. The period of service, ought, therefore, in all such cases, to bear some proportion to the extent of practical knowledge requisite to the due performance of the service. The period of legislative service established in most of the States for the more numerous branch is, as we have seen, one year. The question then may be put into this simple form: does the period of two years bear no greater proportion to the knowledge requisite for federal legislation than one year does to the knowledge requisite for State legislation? The very statement of the question, in this form, suggests the answer that ought to be given to it. In a single State, the requisite knowledge relates to the existing laws which are uniform throughout the State, and with which all the citizens are more or less conversant; and to the general affairs of the State, which lie within a small compass, are not very diversified, and occupy much of the attention and conversation of every class of people. The great theatre of the United States presents a very different scene. The laws are so far from being uniform, that they vary in every State; whilst the public affairs of the Union are spread throughout a very extensive region, and are extremely diversified by t e local affairs connected with them, and can with difficulty be correctly learnt in any other place than in the central councils to which a knowledge of them will be brought by the representatives of every part of the empire. Yet some knowledge of the affairs, and even of the laws, of all the States, ought to be possessed by the members from each of the States. How can foreign trade be properly regulated by uniform laws, without some acquaintance with the commerce, the ports, the usages, and the regulatious of the different States? How can the trade between the different States be duly regulated, without some knowledge of their relative situations in these and other respects? How can taxes be judiciously imposed and effectually collected, if they be not accommodated to the different laws and local circumstances relating to these objects in the different States? How can uniform regulations for the militia be duly provided, without a similar knowledge of many internal circumstances by which the States are distinguished from each other? These are the principal objects of federal legislation, and suggest most forcibly the extensive information which the representatives ought to acquire. The other interior objects will require a proportional degree of information with regard to them. It is true that all these difficulties will, by degrees, be very much diminished. The most laborious task will be the proper inauguration of the government and the primeval formation of a federal code. Improvements on the first draughts will every year become both easier and fewer. Past transactions of the government will be a ready and accurate source of information to new members. The affairs of the Union will become more and more objects of curiosity and conversation among the citizens at large. And the increased intercourse among those of different States will contribute not a little to diffuse a mutual knowledge of their affairs, as this again will contribute to a general assimilation of their manners and laws. But with all these abatements, the business of federal legislation must continue so far to exceed, both in novelty and difficulty, the legislative business of a single State, as to justify the longer period of service assigned to those who are to transact it. A branch of knowledge which belongs to the acquirements of a federal representative, and which has not been mentioned is that of foreign affairs. In regulating our own commerce he ought to be not only acquainted with the treaties between the United States and other nations, but also with the commercial policy and laws of other nations. He ought not to be altogether ignorant of the law of nations; for that, as far as it is a proper object of municipal legislation, is submitted to the federal government.


And although the House of Representatives is not immediately to participate in foreign negotiations and arrangements, yet from the necessary connection between the several branches of public affairs, those particular branches will frequently deserve attention in the ordinary course of legislation, and will sometimes demand particular legislative sanction and co-operation. Some portion of this knowledge may, no doubt, be acquired in a man's closet; but some of it also can only be derived from the public sources of information; and all of it will be acquired to best effect by a practical attention to the subject during the period of actual service in the legislature.


There are other considerations, of less importance, perhaps, but which are not unworthy of notice. The distance which many of the representatives will be obliged to travel, and the arrangements rendered necessary by that circumstance, might be much more serious objections with fit men to this service, if limited to a single year, than if extended to two years. No argument can be drawn on this subject, from the case of the delegates to the existing Congress. They are elected annually, it is true; but their re-election is considered by the legislative assemblies almost as a matter of course. The election of the representatives by the people would not be governed by the same principle. A few of the members, as happens in all such assemblies, will possess superior talents; will, by frequent reelections, become members of long standing; will be thoroughly masters of the public business, and perhaps not unwilling to avail themselves of those advantages. The greater the proportion of new members, and the less the information of the bulk of the members the more apt will they be to fall into the snares that may be laid for them. This remark is no less applicable to the relation which will subsist between the House of Representatives and the Senate. It is an inconvenience mingled with the advantages of our frequent elections even in single States, where they are large, and hold but one legislative session in a year, that spurious elections cannot be investigated and annulled in time for the decision to have its due effect. If a return can be obtained, no matter by what unlawful means, the irregular member, who takes his seat of course, is sure of holding it a sufficient time to answer his purposes. Hence, a very pernicious encouragement is given to the use of unlawful means, for obtaining irregular returns. Were elections for the federal legislature to be annual, this practice might become a very serious abuse, particularly in the more distant States. Each house is, as it necessarily must be, the judge of the elections, qualifications, and returns of its members; and whatever improvements may be suggested by experience, for simplifying and accelerating the process in disputed cases, so great a portion of a year would unavoidably elapse, before an illegitimate member could be dispossessed of his seat, that the prospect of such an event would be little check to unfair and illicit means of obtaining a seat. All these considerations taken together warrant us in affirming, that biennial elections will be as useful to the affairs of the public as we have seen that they will be safe to the liberty of the people.


PUBLIUS.

References:
http://www.hotair.com/
http://www.weeklystandard.com/
http://www.rasmussenreports.com/
http://www.gallup.com/
http://www.youtube.com/
http://www.cancertutor.com/
http://www.nro,com/
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/
http://www.americanspectator.com/
http://www.thehill.com/
http://www.americanthinker.com/
Thomas Sowell
W. James Antle, III
Library of Congress/Federalist Papers
http://www.goldengateminuteman.org/
C Span



Tuesday, July 27, 2010

Remember November- 14 weeks to "Change we can believe in."

Opinion at large

I count the days. 98 from today, before we take back our country, our heritage, our way of life. We are the greatest Republic that has ever existed. Not even Rome, Athens or London has accomplished in such a short time what we have accomplished. Americans have always boasted a proud, innovative attitude towards the land the of hope, prosperity and opportunity. What the heck has happened in the last 18 months. I realize everything that has happened in the Obama administration has been George W. Bush's fault, or was it Reagan's fault? or was it Martin Van Buren's fault? We all know it isn't Barry O's fault, he inherited all this, he is the one we have been waiting for. NOT! Jimmy Carter is partying like it's 1976. He is relinquishing the title of "Worst United States President." Obama, his administration and congress have lost what little faith the American people had in them. Consumer confidence is below 50%. Ouch! In a good economy, it should be between 85 and 90%. It is off slightly. This congress has spent more money it this short period than any other congress. It's like they are addicted to spending. They stopped listening to the people they work for and decided to prosecute their socialist agenda. Big government, less liberties, less control over our lives. Redistribution of wealth, the cornerstone of  socialism, is at the top of the democrats agenda. I was debating urguing with a liberal today about the Bush tax cuts expiring at the end of the year. I mentioned they would help this suffering economy if they were extended for a year or two. This guy is a small business owner. He is the one the tax cuts would help. He said they only help the "rich people." I told him that he is the rich people whom they will target. The democrats have done such a wonderful job fooling the people. He will find out at the end of 2011. In their minds, people making $500K are the rich people. Wait until this SBO is paying 39%. He will be the first one to complain. Obama will blame Rutherford B. Hayes. They are ID 10 T's. On a positive note, I've never seen an uprising of the conservative movement in my lifetime. Obama has awoken a sleeping giant. "The American movement." It's not a Tea Party or republican movement, it is an American (conservative) movement. Why? Simply put, everyday Americans are fed up and highly offended by the likes of Reid, Pelosi, Durbin, Kerry (he served in Viet Nam), Frank and the rest of the eletists who believe they are smarter and better than us. Kerry docks his $7M sailboat yacht in New Hampshire to evade Massachusetts' tax laws ($500K & 70K yearly). He said (after he was exposed by the media) that it was just being repaired. don't they have boatyards in Boston or Nantucket? Things that make you go, Huh? Let's not forget ol' Charlie (Taxes for thee but not for me) Rangel, who was in Nancy (Elvira) Pelosi's office today massaging her feet trying to cut a deal on his financial indictment woes. And one of my favorites, Chelsea Clinton's wedding. Bill and Hillary are estimated to spend $3 to $5 million on their wedding. As liberals, shouldn't they feel bad about the starving kids in Harlem where Bubba's office is located? Shouldn't they scale down the wedding and give some of that money to the needy? Then why in the hell do they expect us to do it? Kerry's 7 million dollar yacht would feed a lot of hungry kids in the housing projects in Boston? My point, they are pompous hypocrites! Eletists! Term limits. Term limits. I want to eliminate career politicians. They are cancerous. 42% of congress are millionaires, how can they say they are like us? They feel our pain? Not from Washington, DC cocktail parties or feasting on a medium rare New York in a trendy Adams Morgan restaurant. Lastly, we have a President in name only, who has tarnished the office of the President. We look weak to the rest of the world and Mr. Obama is a serial narcissist. I don't think I've agreed with anything he has done. He is the disaster I thought he would be times ten. Novenber 2nd is the first step. We need to stop this President and change as many members of congress as possible. If we don't, The liberals will bankrupt our country. They still are dreaming of a public option, Cap & Trade, Immigration ( Obama sees 12 to 20M undocumented democrat voters) and more socialistic policies. My wife and I are attending the Restoring Honor Rally on August 28th in DC at the Lincoln Memorial. Glenn Beck, Ted Nugent, JoDee Messina and possibly, Sarah Palin will be in attendance. Afterwards, on September 12th, there will be another 912 Rally which will be an incredible time, just like last year's.  In retrospect, We must rise up and let the debutantes in our government, remind them they work for us. Show up and be counted.  
    
Video from the Reublican Governor's Association:

14 Weeks from Republican Governors Association on Vimeo.


Video of the week:
Take that Chris " chill up my leg" Matthews:


Capitol Hill Shill of the week:
Charlie has the gall to blame his staff for his woes. WTF?


Why the Left Hates Conservatives



Liberals don’t just hate conservatism as an ideology; they hate conservatives as individuals.


Of all the recent revelations to come out of JournoList, an e-mail list consisting of about 400 liberal/left journalists, perhaps the most telling is the depth of their hatred for conservatives. That these journalists would consult with one another in order to protect candidate and then President Obama and in order to hurt Republicans is unfortunate and ugly. What is jolting is the hatred of conservatives on display, as exemplified by the e-mail from a public-radio reporter expressing her wish to personally see Rush Limbaugh die a painful death — and the apparent absence of any objection from her fellow liberal journalists.


Every one of us on the right has seen this hatred. I am not referring to leftist bloggers or to anonymous comments by angry leftists on conservative blogs — such things exist on the right as well — but to mainstream, elite liberal journalists. There is simply nothing analogous among elite conservative journalists. Yes, nearly all conservatives believe that the Left is leading America to ruin. But while there is plenty of conservative anger over this fact, there is little or nothing on the right to match the Left’s hatred of conservative individuals. Would mainstream conservative journalists e-mail one another wishes that they could be present while Harry Reid or Nancy Pelosi or Michael Moore died slowly and painfully of a heart attack?


From Karl Marx to today, the Left has always hated people of the Right, not merely differed or been angry with them. The question is, why?


Here are three possible answers.


First, the Left thinks the Right is evil. Granting the exceptions that all generalizations allow for, conservatives believe that those on the left are wrong, while those on the left believe that those on the right are bad. Examples are innumerable. Howard Dean, the former head of the Democratic party, said, “In contradistinction to the Republicans, Democrats don’t believe kids ought to go to bed hungry at night.” Rep. Alan Grayson (D., Fla.), among many similar comments, said, “I want to say a few words about what it means to be a Democrat. It’s very simple: We have a conscience.”


Has any spokesman of the Republican party ever said anything analogous about Democrats’ not caring about the suffering of children or not having a conscience?


Second, when you don’t confront real evil, you hate those who do. You can see this on almost any school playground. The kid who confronts the school bully is often resented more than the bully. Whether out of guilt over their own cowardice or out of fear that the one who confronted the bully will provoke the bully to lash out more, those who refuse to confront the bully often resent the one who does. During the 1980s, the Left expressed far more hatred for Ronald Reagan than for Soviet Communist dictator Leonid Brezhnev. When Reagan labeled the Soviet Union an “evil empire,” the liberal world was enraged . . . at Reagan.


Those (usually on the left) who refused to confront Communism hated those (usually on the right) who did. They called the latter “warmongers” and “cold warriors” and charged them with having “missile envy” and with loving war.


Today, the Left has similar contempt for those who take a hard line on Islamic terror. The liberal and leftist media routinely place quote marks around the words “War on Terror.” To the Left, such a war is manufactured by rightists for nefarious reasons — oil, self-enrichment, imperialism, etc. Indeed, the Obama administration declines to use the term “Islamic terror.” America is at war with a nameless enemy. The enemies this administration is prepared to name are the Republican party, the tea parties, Fox News, and talk radio.


Third, the Left’s utopian vision is prevented only by the Right.


From its inception, leftism has been a secular utopian religion. As Ted Kennedy, paraphrasing his brother Robert F. Kennedy, said, “Some men see things as they are and say, Why? I dream things that never were and say, Why not?” That exemplifies left-wing idealism — imagining a utopian future. There will be no poor, no war, no conflict, no inequality. That future is only a few more government programs away from reality. And who stands in the way of such perfection? Conservatives. How could a utopian not hate a conservative?


This hatred will only increase if the Left feels its programs to greatly increase the size of government are in any way threatened in the forthcoming elections. The problem is that this hatred does not decrease when the Left is in power.


Hatred of conservatives is so much a part of the Left that the day the Left stops hating conservatives will mark the beginning of the end of the Left as we know it.


Dennis Prager is a nationally syndicated radio talk-show host and columnist. He may be contacted through his website, dennisprager.com.

 Year of the Tea Party Voter


Text By JOHN FUND Republicans are winning over voters who are disgruntled with both parties.




It seems every election finds political pundits trying to come up with a shorthand description for the latest bloc of voters to exercise undue influence in the current year's races.


In 2000, "soccer moms" were the group du jour, and enough of them were disgusted with the Clinton scandals that they cost Al Gore the White House. In 2004, it was "security moms," who in a post-9/11 world were concerned about terrorism and the safety of their children. In 2008, a video featuring "Obama Girl" captured the enthusiasm the Democratic candidate generated among young voters.


This year, the hands-down winner for the key voting bloc might be called "Tea Party Supporter." Public Policy Polling, a Democratic-leaning firm, reports a major reason Republicans are poised to make major gains this year is that they "are cleaning up with a voting bloc that accounts for 26% of the country and could end up being the most important group of people at the polls this fall: voters who hate both congressional Democrats and congressional Republicans."


While these voters, who are mostly white and mostly male, harbor no loyalty to either party, this year they are much more upset with the Democrats who hold power in the White House and Congress. "The GOP has a 57-19 generic lead with this group of voters that could perhaps be described as the angriest segment of the electorate," reports PPP. "Their support is fueling the GOP's success right now."


The party-affiliation breakdown of the "pox on all politicians" segment is fascinating. Only 44% are Republicans, while 34% are independents and 21% are Democrats. That breakdown roughly mirrors the profile of people who in other polls identify themselves as Tea Party supporters. Interestingly, however, PPP finds that only about 35% of the "angriest segment" actually call themselves Tea Partiers. That's compared to about 25% of voters in the electorate as a whole who identify themselves as Tea Party supporters.


www.djreprints.com


Statement du jour:
Chris Matthews accused Fox News of "whipping up white hysteria" over allegations about the new Black Panther voter intimidation case.
(This is why Hardball has an audience of 27 viewers)

Pathetic but funny: 
 

Obama voters aren't allowed around razor blades for obvious reasons.


Writings of Our Founding Fathers
Federalist Papers




Federalist No. 52


The House of Representatives


From the New York Packet.


Friday, February 8, 1788.


Author: Alexander Hamilton or James Madison


To the People of the State of New York:


FROM the more general inquiries pursued in the four last papers, I pass on to a more particular examination of the several parts of the government. I shall begin with the House of Representatives. The first view to be taken of this part of the government relates to the qualifications of the electors and the elected. Those of the former are to be the same with those of the electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.


The definition of the right of suffrage is very justly regarded as a fundamental article of republican government. It was incumbent on the convention, therefore, to define and establish this right in the Constitution. To have left it open for the occasional regulation of the Congress, would have been improper for the reason just mentioned. To have submitted it to the legislative discretion of the States, would have been improper for the same reason; and for the additional reason that it would have rendered too dependent on the State governments that branch of the federal government which ought to be dependent on the people alone. To have reduced the different qualifications in the different States to one uniform rule, would probably have been as dissatisfactory to some of the States as it would have been difficult to the convention. The provision made by the convention appears, therefore, to be the best that lay within their option.


It must be satisfactory to every State, because it is conformable to the standard already established, or which may be established, by the State itself. It will be safe to the United States, because, being fixed by the State constitutions, it is not alterable by the State governments, and it cannot be feared that the people of the States will alter this part of their constitutions in such a manner as to abridge the rights secured to them by the federal Constitution. The qualifications of the elected, being less carefully and properly defined by the State constitutions, and being at the same time more susceptible of uniformity, have been very properly considered and regulated by the convention. A representative of the United States must be of the age of twenty-five years; must have been seven years a citizen of the United States; must, at the time of his election, be an inhabitant of the State he is to represent; and, during the time of his service, must be in no office under the United States. Under these reasonable limitations, the door of this part of the federal government is open to merit of every description, whether native or adoptive, whether young or old, and without regard to poverty or wealth, or to any particular profession of religious faith. The term for which the representatives are to be elected falls under a second view which may be taken of this branch. In order to decide on the propriety of this article, two questions must be considered: first, whether biennial elections will, in this case, be safe; secondly, whether they be necessary or useful. First. As it is essential to liberty that the government in general should have a common interest with the people, so it is particularly essential that the branch of it under consideration should have an immediate dependence on, and an intimate sympathy with, the people. Frequent elections are unquestionably the only policy by which this dependence and sympathy can be effectually secured. But what particular degree of frequency may be absolutely necessary for the purpose, does not appear to be susceptible of any precise calculation, and must depend on a variety of circumstances with which it may be connected. Let us consult experience, the guide that ought always to be followed whenever it can be found. The scheme of representation, as a substitute for a meeting of the citizens in person, being at most but very imperfectly known to ancient polity, it is in more modern times only that we are to expect instructive examples. And even here, in order to avoid a research too vague and diffusive, it will be proper to confine ourselves to the few examples which are best known, and which bear the greatest analogy to our particular case. The first to which this character ought to be applied, is the House of Commons in Great Britain. The history of this branch of the English Constitution, anterior to the date of Magna Charta, is too obscure to yield instruction. The very existence of it has been made a question among political antiquaries. The earliest records of subsequent date prove that parliaments were to SIT only every year; not that they were to be ELECTED every year. And even these annual sessions were left so much at the discretion of the monarch, that, under various pretexts, very long and dangerous intermissions were often contrived by royal ambition. To remedy this grievance, it was provided by a statute in the reign of Charles II. , that the intermissions should not be protracted beyond a period of three years. On the accession of William III. , when a revolution took place in the government, the subject was still more seriously resumed, and it was declared to be among the fundamental rights of the people that parliaments ought to be held FREQUENTLY. By another statute, which passed a few years later in the same reign, the term "frequently," which had alluded to the triennial period settled in the time of Charles II. , is reduced to a precise meaning, it being expressly enacted that a new parliament shall be called within three years after the termination of the former. The last change, from three to seven years, is well known to have been introduced pretty early in the present century, under on alarm for the Hanoverian succession. From these facts it appears that the greatest frequency of elections which has been deemed necessary in that kingdom, for binding the representatives to their constituents, does not exceed a triennial return of them. And if we may argue from the degree of liberty retained even under septennial elections, and all the other vicious ingredients in the parliamentary constitution, we cannot doubt that a reduction of the period from seven to three years, with the other necessary reforms, would so far extend the influence of the people over their representatives as to satisfy us that biennial elections, under the federal system, cannot possibly be dangerous to the requisite dependence of the House of Representatives on their constituents. Elections in Ireland, till of late, were regulated entirely by the discretion of the crown, and were seldom repeated, except on the accession of a new prince, or some other contingent event. The parliament which commenced with George II. was continued throughout his whole reign, a period of about thirty-five years. The only dependence of the representatives on the people consisted in the right of the latter to supply occasional vacancies by the election of new members, and in the chance of some event which might produce a general new election.


The ability also of the Irish parliament to maintain the rights of their constituents, so far as the disposition might exist, was extremely shackled by the control of the crown over the subjects of their deliberation. Of late these shackles, if I mistake not, have been broken; and octennial parliaments have besides been established. What effect may be produced by this partial reform, must be left to further experience. The example of Ireland, from this view of it, can throw but little light on the subject. As far as we can draw any conclusion from it, it must be that if the people of that country have been able under all these disadvantages to retain any liberty whatever, the advantage of biennial elections would secure to them every degree of liberty, which might depend on a due connection between their representatives and themselves. Let us bring our inquiries nearer home. The example of these States, when British colonies, claims particular attention, at the same time that it is so well known as to require little to be said on it. The principle of representation, in one branch of the legislature at least, was established in all of them. But the periods of election were different. They varied from one to seven years. Have we any reason to infer, from the spirit and conduct of the representatives of the people, prior to the Revolution, that biennial elections would have been dangerous to the public liberties? The spirit which everywhere displayed itself at the commencement of the struggle, and which vanquished the obstacles to independence, is the best of proofs that a sufficient portion of liberty had been everywhere enjoyed to inspire both a sense of its worth and a zeal for its proper enlargement This remark holds good, as well with regard to the then colonies whose elections were least frequent, as to those whose elections were most frequent Virginia was the colony which stood first in resisting the parliamentary usurpations of Great Britain; it was the first also in espousing, by public act, the resolution of independence.


In Virginia, nevertheless, if I have not been misinformed, elections under the former government were septennial. This particular example is brought into view, not as a proof of any peculiar merit, for the priority in those instances was probably accidental; and still less of any advantage in SEPTENNIAL elections, for when compared with a greater frequency they are inadmissible; but merely as a proof, and I conceive it to be a very substantial proof, that the liberties of the people can be in no danger from BIENNIAL elections. The conclusion resulting from these examples will be not a little strengthened by recollecting three circumstances. The first is, that the federal legislature will possess a part only of that supreme legislative authority which is vested completely in the British Parliament; and which, with a few exceptions, was exercised by the colonial assemblies and the Irish legislature. It is a received and well-founded maxim, that where no other circumstances affect the case, the greater the power is, the shorter ought to be its duration; and, conversely, the smaller the power, the more safely may its duration be protracted. In the second place, it has, on another occasion, been shown that the federal legislature will not only be restrained by its dependence on its people, as other legislative bodies are, but that it will be, moreover, watched and controlled by the several collateral legislatures, which other legislative bodies are not. And in the third place, no comparison can be made between the means that will be possessed by the more permanent branches of the federal government for seducing, if they should be disposed to seduce, the House of Representatives from their duty to the people, and the means of influence over the popular branch possessed by the other branches of the government above cited. With less power, therefore, to abuse, the federal representatives can be less tempted on one side, and will be doubly watched on the other.


PUBLIUS.


References:
http://www.hotair.com/
http://www.michellemalkin.com/
http://www.weeklystandard.com/
http://www.nro.com/
http://www.americanspectator.com/
http://www.americanthinker.com/
http://www.thehill.com/
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/
http://www.rasmussenreports.com/
Library of Congress/Federalist Papers
Dennis Prager
http://www.youtube.com/
http://www.foxnews.com/
http://www.wsj.com/
John Fund
Republican Governor's Association